There’s an interesting debate going on in the comments section of a recent post of Don’s about the minimum wage. Steven Warshawsky started it off with this observation:
And your point is? That there should be no minimum wage legislation
at all? This is a non sequitur. The billboard example simply reflects
technological innovation. It hardly proves that minimum wage laws, per
se, have a net negative effect on the economy (even if they do cause
unemployment for some workers) or are otherwise unjust. I realize this
is free market gospel, but the empirical and ethical basis for this
position is far from compelling.
In earlier posts, I have tried to summarize the empirical literature on the negative impacts of the minimum wage. Is it compelling? Take a look. Read some of it. You can argue that it’s not compelling and still be for or against the minimum wage for philosophical reasons. Or you can be for or against it based on your best guess, your own gut level theorizing, as to how employers respond to an increase in the cost of labor. But I’d really like to react to Steven Warshawsky’s opening question.
And your point is?
He sharpens that question a paragraph later:
The extremist, knee-jerk libertarianism so often promoted by this
website is completely untenable, philosophically and politically. I
guess it makes you feel good to believe in the logical superiority of a
point of view that is a meaningless blip in the American public policy
scene.
I’ll let Don speak for himself as to why he advocates things that are politically untenable. But since we share the characteristic of advocating politically untenable positions, I’d like to take a crack at answering the question as what the point is of what I write here.
My goal on this site is to help people understand how the world works using the tools of economics.
I don’t think economic understanding is meaningless. I think if most people came to agree with me that the minimum wage hurts the people it’s allegedly trying to help, then it would be more likely that it would be abolished. Yes, unions and others (employers of higher-skilled labor who compete with employers of lower-skilled labor) who benefit personally from minimum wage legislation would still support it. But it would be harder for the politicians to brag about it and the political calculus would change.
I’m not trying to convince politicians to see the error of their
ways—that’s a waste of time. I’m trying to convince you, the reader,
that economics is a powerful illuminator of what’s really going on when
the minimum wage goes up. I’m trying to get you to understand something
that I understand. I might be wrong. You might reject my understanding. Or, after understanding what I
understand, you might still disagree. That’s fine.
And even if you agree with
me, what you do with that information at cocktail parties and in the
voting booth is an interesting strategic question. When a friend says that the minimum wage is good for the poor what should you say in return?
The minimum wage is immoral. Government has no right to interfere with the contracts between employers and employees.
The minimum wage hurts the people it’s trying to help. I think it’s counterproductive.
The minimum wage is a good idea, but if we raise it too much, it might be harmful. So be careful.
I think the first two arguments are correct. But when I speak with someone who supports the minimum wage, someone who doesn’t value freedom for its own sake as I do and who thinks freedom should be sacrificed for various attractive short-run outcomes, I emphasize the second argument. The third argument is tempting. You’re more likely to keep your friends. But it’s intellectually dishonest and I don’t think it will get us to where I want to go, which is a zero minimum wage.
Strategically, I think it’s best to calmly (calmly!) keep making the point that the minimum wage is a bad law because it hurts the people we’re trying to help, and that we should get rid of it. That makes me untenable as a politician. But I hope it makes for interesting reading. And I naively believe that it has a better chance of creating political change down the road.
A final strategic point: many arguments are politically untenable when they’re first made. My model is Friedman’s Capitalism and Freedom. When he made the case for the volunteer army or non-compulsory social security or even floating exchange rates, he lost a lot of friends and people sneered at him and he was mocked. But he never wavered on any of those issues. Not because he had a free-market gospel but because he found the logic compelling. For those of us who are not in the political trenches, that’s the way to go.
So yes, there’s something quixotic about being against the minimum wage in a world where most people think it’s a good idea. I still say hand me that lance.



Podcast RSS Feed
Full EconTalk Text





{ 50 comments }
Keep up the good work! Leftists are purely emotional, so reason won't work on them. As evidence, notice how they always characterize free market thinking as some sort of irrational religion by calling it "free market gospel" or "faith in the market." They seem to think that no one has studied economics for the past 200 years.
You have to hit them with an emotional response. Maybe you could respond to a supporter of minimum wage by asking why he hates poor people. Also, always refer to his irrational faith in the government and the socialist gospel.
The argument I use is that I favor using the EITC and welfare as the mechanisms to alleviate poverty. The minimum wage prices new, part-time, and seasonal workers (read teenagers) out of the job market. It makes offshoring more attractive. It offloads a societal problem (poverty) from government to business owners.
Then, if someone wants to debate it, I'll get into how the minimum wage is a feel-good, do nothing approach. And thanks to EconTalk, sometime this month, I'll add in Baptists and Bootleggers, with the Bootleggers being those who use minimum wgae to push their own higher wage rate up. For example, if min wage is $5 and Joe makes $20 (4x min wage), when min wage goes to $7, Joe doesn't even make 3x min wage and should be due for a raise to $28, so the logic goes.
Mr. Warshawsky has an article explaining his reasoning:
http://tinyurl.com/y539q8
The argument about elasticities, though it is made often, is not particularly compelling. A group can be helped in aggregate with individuals in it still being hurt. As was said in the post on the empirical literature, "you can still think it a good idea to put 1% or 3% of low-skilled workers out of work in return for a 10% increase in the wage of those who keep their jobs. Personally, I find that to be a very unattractive trade-off, especially when you consider the non-employment effects, but that is a judgment call."
I think the main problem with making the "don't change the minimum wage" argument is that most people don't see the consequences. You can only say "some people will lose their jobs" or "minimum wage earners won't be allowed to work as many hours" or "it will harm small businesses" and as long as someone else can say "but minimum wage earners are getting a 41% raise" your argument won't go far.
Then again, if you can put them in the position of being the one who decides who loses their job, whose hours get cut or how much are you're going to have to hike your prices to cover your costs, you might have a better chance at showing why you might not want to play with the minimum legislated wage:
http://tinyurl.com/yge3eg
Well, I'm a little chagrined to be the featured foil for this issue. But I am outspoken enough to be able to take the heat.
The crux of my "opposition" to the free market position re the min wage is that, as an economic matter, little effort is made to show that total welfare goes down as a result of a min wage increase; and, as a political matter, I believe opposing the min wage will harm the free market position in the long run by undermining public support for a philosophy that many people will see as an excuse for "heartless capitalism."
As Russell notes in the entry he linked to re empirical research on the issue, it is well established that a min wage results in some unemployment (I don't dispute this). But he does not attempt to quantify, for example, whether the total income of the low-wage group goes up, even if some members of that group lose their jobs. Instead, he simply states that he finds the trade-off (more unemployment for higher incomes) to be "very unattractive." Fair enough. But isn't this the $100,000 question? I.e, how to judge this trade-off? What principles and values inform our judgment? And do they necessarily point in the direction of no min wage?
Ultimately, there is a real world to consider. From a political standpoint, I believe that it is possible to educate people about free market concepts without turning them off to capitalism by taking positions that they are likely to consider "extreme" (e.g., that the min wage should be abolished). If we truly are committed to moving the country in a free market direction (as anyone who has read my stuff knows I am) — rather than just patting ourselves on the back for having a superior understanding of economic theory — then we need to consider how we can best persuade the public of our positions.
As I argued in my own piece on the min wage issue (last week on American Thinker), there are many other, much more serious ways in which the government interferes with economic freedom than the min wage. I believe both the libertarian and conservative movements would be better served by addressing these areas (which are less popular than the min wage), and by working incrementally to move the country towards a greater free market.
Whether we like it or not, the country *never* will agree to abolish the min wage, but there is no reason to believe that more people cannot be persuaded that greater economic freedom overall is to their and everyone's benefit.
Thanks for the link to your earlier post and the links to the surveys in that.
Ironically, when I clicked on the link to the Joint Economic Committe survey which you said: "The author has an ax to grind (the author doesn't like the minimum wage) but it will give you an idea of how much effort has been made to discover the actual impact of the minimum wage."
… this is what appeared first on the screen:
Card, David. 1992b. Do Minimum Wages Reduce Employment? A Case Study of California, 1987-89. Industrial and Labor Relations Review, vol. 46 (October): 38-54.
Finds no evidence that an increase in the California state minimum wage in July, 1988 led to any loss in teenage employment, but does find evidence of higher wages.
Card, David, and Krueger, Alan B. 1994. Minimum Wages and Employ-ment: A Case Study of the Fast-Food Industry in New Jersey and Pennsylvania. American Economic Review, vol. 84 (September): 772-793.
Finds no evidence of reduced employment from an increase in the New Jersey state minimum wage in April, 1992.
Such is life.
I liked the billboard example because many politicians act as if businesses absolutely must have a certain number of people to operate. Some right-wingers conform to this idea by simply saying that small businesses will go out of business. Explaining the existence of elasticity of demand for labor is important.
My fav example is my local Starbucks. There's often a staff member idle. Seems like wasted expense. But occassionally there's a rush of customers, the line gets long, and some potential customers seeing the long line are disuaded from buying. So the role of the last employee is to keep a couple of customers from avoiding the shop because of an occassional long line. Even at $3.50 for a cup of coffee, that last person is just barely worthwhile.
Bruce Hall,
Yes it's ironic. There are over 100 studies listed on the page. The author is honest enough to list the three studies that find little or no impact of the minimum wage. The other 100 or so studies are not so cheerful.
I just wish someone would explain how the high end of the wage market works the way that it does. If a minimum wage earner does a poor job, they have problems finding a new job. If a CEO or VP of a company does a poor job, they are rewarded for it and have no problems at all finding another high paying job. That just doesn't seem right. If you run a company into the ground, you should have to spend some time on the unemployment line.
What you should be talking about is how skilled workers have had their salaries pushed down to where they now make what unskilled workers get (due to the minimum wage). With 11 years experience in the tech support field, I make a dollar an hour more than my husband does as a custodian. And we both make a few bucks an hour more than minimum wage. The growing difference between wages for most of us and wages for those at the top are going to someday bring about laws that you may not like.
One argument that nobody seems to bring up when it comes to minimum wage is the ultimate futility of the effort due to inflation.
If the government (or anyone or anything) increases the cost of one factor of production, then in most cases producers will simply pass that cost along to consumers (as they do when oil prices rise). This creates inflation which then devalues wages.
As a result, people who make the minimum wage end up right back where they started from.
Yes, they are making 7.50 an hour. However, everything that used to cost $4.00 now costs $5.00.
It's a transient, if not entirely mythical, victory.
Steven Warshawsky: "Whether we like it or not, the country *never* will agree to abolish the min wage,"
Well, I think that's true if those who write for a living, and who recognize that some are indeed harmed by the minimum wage, continue to misinform the public.
*Never* covers a very long period of time, doesn't it?
Steven Warshawsky: "there are many other, much more serious ways in which the government interferes with economic freedom than the min wage"
How serious it is depends on your situation. If you were like me, a small businessman who has twenty good applicants for every minimum wage job he posts, that government interference would be damned serious.
Here's the problem, Steven, as I see it:
You can justify government interference in, and the resultant harm to, small business A by arguing the small harm will not hurt the nation's huge economy. But an accumulation of many small harms from hundreds or thousands of such government interferences will eventually – and probably already has – cause great harm to the nation.
Principles have to matter in the long run.
John Dewey –
"That some are indeed harmed by the minimum wage." We're back to square one. Yes, some are harmed by the min wage — but some are helped by it. It's a question of defining and weighing the harms versus the benefits, no?
All public policies harm some people. To point this out does not advance the debate one inch.
Steven Warshawsky: "Yes, some are harmed by the min wage — but some are helped by it."
Who? Who is helped in the long run when government decides to take away the freedom to negotiate a wage?
When unskilled workers lose their jobs to automation or to non-U.S. workers, how are they helped?
Steven Warshawsky: "All public policies harm some people. To point this out does not advance the debate one inch."
I disagree. The general public is little aware that small businesses much more than giant corporations suffer the burden of this government restriction on freedom. The general public probably doesn't even understand how the least-skilled and least-able are harmed by minimum wage laws.
Steven Warshawsky: "Yes, some are harmed by the min wage — but some are helped by it."
Who? Who is helped in the long run when government decides to take away the freedom to negotiate a wage?
When unskilled workers lose their jobs to automation or to non-U.S. workers, how are they helped?
Steven Warshawsky: "All public policies harm some people. To point this out does not advance the debate one inch."
I disagree. The general public is little aware that small businesses much more than giant corporations suffer the burden of this government restriction on freedom. The general public probably doesn't even understand how the least-skilled and least-able are harmed by minimum wage laws.
Back to square one? Not necessarily. We might as a matter of prudence wish that the government not harm some and help others without a clear practical and moral argument for doing so, which I don't see here. Also to the point, the effects of the minimum wage are regressive within the class of people affected; those who were already capable of earning the new minimum wage or slightly more are benefited, while those who are marginally employable end up at the curb.
As for the argument that the country will never do this or that – it's a self-fulfilling prophecy. I'm not going to change my views about what's right just because mistakes are popular today.
John Dewey –
"Who is helped in the long run when government decides to take away the freedom to negotiate a wage?"
Look, I've read my Ayn Rand. Not to mention Friedman, Hayek, et al. I am very sympathetic to the free market position. But rhetoric like this is unpersuasive.
Low wage workers do not "negotiate" their wages in any meaningful sense. Certainly not compared to highly educated (and less in supply) attorneys and doctors, for example. Indeed, most people would think such a notion is ridiculous. And, as a result, such people will be more likely to reject the underlying philosophy that supposedly leads people to speak in these terms.
Frankly, I think this sort of rhetoric — which pretends that there is some semblance of equality of bargaining position between employers and employees — is a lame way to try to defend capitalism.
Why be so defensive about the imbalance of economic power? Freedom leads to imbalances of all sorts of things (human beings, after all, are not equal in terms of talent and motivation and opportunity). It seems to me that a true defender of freedom would argue that the existence of such imbalances alone in no way calls into question the superiority of liberty as the central organizing principle of human activity. (Being a conservative, not a libertarian, I do not believe liberty is the only organizing principle.)
By implicitly conceding that the moral standing of capitalism is dependent on there being an equality of bargaining power between employers and employees, you risk undermining the entire system once the actual imbalance is pointed out.
Teri writes: "If a minimum wage earner does a poor job, they have problems finding a new job. If a CEO or VP of a company does a poor job, they are rewarded for it and have no problems at all finding another high paying job."
That's just horse-you-know-what, anecdotal at best. If you've ever spent time in technology companies, you'd know this flat out isn't true as a generalization. I've known several people who have gone from $200K/year to having to sell their houses because they were a VP or CEO of a failed startup company. I also know personally that to work as a high paid employee at a failed startup is the worst thing you can do for your medium term (5 year) career opportunities. To potential employers, it's a huge red flag on the resume and can easily take up 1/2 the interview discussing. Having been through several such interviews after leaving a sinking ship, it's what convinced me to work for me again.
Seriously, I'm in total disbelief that anyone could know the first thing about a corporate career and think what Teri thinks.
Professor Roberts, great blog and interesting post. Here is my cocktail party response:
Payment is a function of productivity. So a “minimum-wage” law could more accurately be called a “minimum-productivity” law. It tells a man who lacks the skills to meet the minimum productivity that it is illegal for him to work. This is justice?
Brad –
I think you poo-poo Teri's comments much too quickly.
Clearly, she is thinking of, say, Fortune 1000 companies, not independent start-ups.
To much of the public, there certainly appears to be a disconnect between what the top executives of such companies *do* and what they are *paid.*
It hardly is frivolous to point out that the officers and directors of such companies (who often serve on interlocking boards) wield such unchecked power over the assets of these companies that they can award themselves huge salaries, bonuses, golden parachutes, and the like — without any apparent correlation to the companies' bottom line performance.
Indeed, a good case could be made that many business leaders in this country are looting their corporations — taking money that does not belong to them — merely because they have the legal and economic power to do so. Does this just fall under the category of investor beware? I don't think so.
Steven Warshawsky: "Low wage workers do not "negotiate" their wages in any meaningful sense."
Sure they do. How many low wage workers have you employed recently?
When offerred a wage, any worker can accept or not accept. Very often a worker asks us for more, and my manager tells them they will get a raise after 90 days if they show progress.
In job interviews, prospective employees frequently tell us how much they expect to earn. If the applicant looks especially promising, we may pay more than we advertised.
I've had workers tell me they would love to keep working for me, but that they were just offerred more money. Sometimes we counter offer a lesser amount. Always we remind our student workers about the numerous times they've been able to study during slack times at night.
Low wage workers have much more leverage with small businesses than you apparently realize.
I think of the "minimum wage" as just part of the economic "safety net" that America offers her citizens.
If the "saftey net" is strong and kept at a high level then are'nt we more inclined to take greater economic risks relative to citizens of other countries without similar support?
Does taking on greater economic risk ultimately lead to a richer citizenry and a wealthier country?
john Booke: "If the "saftey net" is strong and kept at a high level then are'nt we more inclined to take greater economic risks relative to citizens of other countries without similar support? "
Sorry, but I don't understand this logic at all.
If we raise wages for unskilled workers high enough, their jobs can be automated, or offshored, or even just eliminated altogether.
An example: Owners of small retail businesses weigh costs vs revenues to determine what hours to open. A Sunday operation may be marginally profitable when parttime workers are paid $5.50 an hour. At $7.25 an hour, the business loses money. So the owner decides to close on Sunday and reduce the hours of the several Sunday workers. How is that a safety net for those college kids?
'Low wage workers do not "negotiate" their wages in any meaningful sense.'
How anyone could believe that is amazing. Almost no one earns the $5.15 minimum wage right now. The market clearing wage for the lowest skilled labor in the Seattle area is over $8.00 per hour. The govt. didn't set that wage, the market did.
Patrick Sullivan,
I agree with your post. But just to be clear, the market clearing wage for low skilled workers varies greatly by job and by locale. My southern U.S. bookstores have found all the parttime workers they need while only offerring $5.50 an hour starting wage. Supermarkets across the parking lots are forced to pay $7.00 an hour to entice high school kids to bag groceries.
Steven,
How do you address bbartlog’s point:
“…. the effects of the minimum wage are regressive within the class of people affected; those who were already capable of earning the new minimum wage or slightly more are benefited, while those who are marginally employable end up at the curb.”
You have conceded that unemployment is the result. Logic tells us that it will be the least advantaged and least productive who will bear this burden. Those who are in the most need of help will be harmed. To this you have said:
“All public policies harm some people.”
Should they do the most harm to the very people that most need help?
How is it morally justifiable to raise the wages of one subset of American at the expense of the absolute least advantaged Americans in that same subset?
To talk about low wage workers making $7 or $8 per hour as "negotiating" their wages in the same way that, e.g., professionals or executives do is absurd.
The "market clearing wage" is a function of supply and demand — and where the supply is large and individual employees are easily replaced, employers will be in a relatively stronger bargaining position (and vice-versa). Indeed, these are the types of industries that tend to unionize.
The example of unions — which exist precisely to raise wages and benefits above their "free market" level — shows that individual employees have rather limited bargaining power vis-a-vis employers, because they cannot "negotiate" a compensation package that is nearly as generous as that which unions can obtain.
This example is not intended to defend unions or debate the merits of unionization, but simply to show that it is ridiculous to discuss the bargaining power of individual employees in low-wage industries as being remotely equivalent to employers. So defending capitalism — and opposing a $7.25 minimum wage — on the grounds that it respects the right of all persons to "negotiate" their wages is just silly.
Etan –
The question is not whether someone is hurt at the margin. If that's your test, then the result must be stasis or anarchy. All public policies have winners and losers. Does that mean no public policies should be enacted?
Suppose among 100 low-wage workers, 93 are benefitted by a higher minimum wage, while 7 lose their jobs. (This is a simplistic example, but it illustrates my point.) Why is your default position that, because 7 people lose their jobs, the other 93 must forego a higher wage? On what grounds do you say that total welfare is not higher after the minimum wage increase?
As I stated near the start of this particular thread, in judging whether this is an acceptable trade-off, or not, you need to define and defend the principles and values that lead to your conclusion.
The argument I have been making is that the economic case against increasing the federal minimum wage to $7.25 is not particularly compelling, and there are very strong political reasons for Republicans not to oppose it.
I recognize that there are plenty of people who disagree with me that the economic case in not particualrly compelling, and their views have merit — but, frankly, I haven't heard a better political argument.
The market rewards people who can do things that are meaningful, and especially when few people can do the same act.
This is true from CEOs to janitors to accountants.
It is a value system. Society clearly has demonstrated that it values certain jobs over others. Why involve the government to help us figure out what we value? It is clear.
I don't like Madonna, but I don't question how much money she makes. She has something that appeals to part of the market. Who am I to tell people not to buy her album? Or on the other side, who am I to tell people which music to buy?
If someone makes a lot of money it doesn't mean it is unfair, it is another demonstration of what society values.
A natural consequence is that people, in their quest to make money, will find things that society values. We WANT a society full of people trying to please society – this is how inventions get made, we get entertained, we have good food to eat, etc.
Steven,
You might be right that it is politcally expedient to vote for a minimum wage increase. Is that your point? If so, you could have said so from the beginning, instead of adding many, many words.
In my opinion, the American system of politics has historically been "when in doubt, don't pass a new law just in case". The entire Constitution seems to be set up to prevent this sort of behavior.
But the political animal is a tricky beast with a large mouth – devouring all sorts of creatures in its path. Unfortunately, truth, progress and liberty some times get eaten by it.
The market rewards people who can do things that are meaningful, and especially when few people can do the same act.
This is true from CEOs to janitors to accountants.
Stating it like this implies a kind of purity that is very much lacking in the real world. My brother makes three times what I do; I'm a software engineer, he's a professional poker player. Is his job more meaningful? Similarly I would argue that CEO pay is set as the result of a complicated social game which doesn't have much resemblance to a conventional market.
Professor Roberts –
Very well said.
I understand you teach a class on the presentation of economic issues to non-economic audiences. Can you refer a good book or other source on the topic? If I do end up at GMU, I would love to take the course, but if not, I'd like to know more about it anyway.
Steven says:
“Why is your default position that, because 7 people lose their jobs, the other 93 must forego a higher wage?”
Because those 7 people (using your arguable numbers) are the absolute worst advantaged; the worst productive and the most in need of help. See bbartlog's unchallenged post above. It is precisely these folks that many in Washington believe need the most help. Why won’t you address this point? Those 7 people are not the same as the other 93. They are in the most need of help. The fact that those very particular folks are the ones that ‘are hurt’ is THE travesty of the minimum wage.
On the house floor Nancy Pelosi said: “let us be a deliberative body that is here to promote justice.” How is it fair and just to help the 93 better advantaged at the expense of the 7 worst advantaged? HOW?
Steven says:
“….in judging whether this is an acceptable trade-off, or not, you need to define and defend the principles and values that lead to your conclusion.”
One principle and value might be that we not condemn the least advantaged to help those who are slightly more advantaged. Your principles appear to ignore the least advantaged of the poor at the expense of the most advantaged and most productive of the poor. How is this particular tradeoff justifiable in any value system?
Correction to my last paragraph:
***Your principles appear to condemn the least advantaged and least productive of the poor in order to help the most advantaged and most productive of the poor.***
I can't imagine a single policymaker who would actually deliberately desire this result. But this is exactly what occurs with the minimum wage.
What I am hearing Steven say is: We can trample on the lives of the most disadvantaged as long as a very large number of slightly more productive folks are helped. I cannot agree with such a value system.
The reason that many of us can say that the other 93 shouldn't benefit is because it is out of the hands of the 7 people that "lose". They were employable before, but the government stepped in and decreeed that they were not making enough money. Who the h**l are you to tell them that they shouldn't work for $5.50 an hour when they are willing to?
BTW, low wage earners are certainly negotiating their wages when they ask for raises or decline to work for too little. If someone is offered $6.00 an hour and they ask for $6.75 an hour, how is that any different than someone being offered $60,00 and they ask for $67,500? In both cases the potential employer will look at the qualifications and what that employee will bring to the business. If they think it's worth it, they'll give them the raise or make a counter offer. If they decline to counter offer, the employee can take the offer or look elsewere. It's the same thing. If Stephen thinks that all low wage earners are the same and do not have bargining power, I suggest that he go out into the real world and see what actually happens when people are hired.
Isaac
Let's see ratio of remuneration has gone from 30:1 to 500:1. Most of the benefits from gains in productivity over the past 10 yrs has gone to corporations and upper management. Yep – must be the minimum wage law.
Warshawsky is an idiot.
His position relies on a narrow static view of the economy, in which it is a simple matter of choice as to whether employers and consumers pay higher prices for the products of low-wage workers.
He does not for a second consider the opportunity cost, in transactions involving higher wage skilled labor, that will no longer be possible because of these higher prices.
In the end, employers will not accept less productivity than that which covers the minimum wage. They will apply pressure to low-skilled workers and raise the bar for employment screening, and as a result more people will spend more time looking for work.
We have not raised the minimum wage in some ten years, and yet very few people are working at that rate. This proves the value of the lowest wages as an "entry level."
There is no evidence that people are "trapped" at the minimum wage for years, or that any are trying to raise "a family of four" on the minimum wage. That is liberal horse's hit, and it would be impossible for anyone who is guided by reason to accept such nonsense.
Warshawsky's comments keep coming back to the phrase "politically untenable," which is another way of saying "unprincipled," or perhaps "spineless." His emphasis is on appeasing public ignorance in exchange for conservative political power — trying to beat Dems at their own game. Toward that end, he is no better than Bruce Hall or Spencer, trying to rationalize a flawed but popular policy.
If Warshawsky represents conservative thinking, then we are certainly no worse off with the Dems in power. He's falling into the trap of thinking that the public wants liberal policies because it threw out the Republicans, when in reality the Republicans abandoned conservatism and were defeated by conservative Democrat candidates.
Show a little spine, Warshawsky. Anybody who wants more money should acquire more skills. It works without raising the minimum wage, and without adulterating workers' incentives to achieve.
Do not abandon reason in the pursuit of political power. The top dogs have the best living standards, and no set of laws will change this except to make everyone equally poor. I have yet to see the U.S. advocate a higher minimum wage to lift an impoverished nation out of poverty, and regardless of whether such wages do any damage here there's no evidence that they will alleviate poverty here either.
You sold out.
Steven,
Re; Workers negotiating their wages.
I actually believe that lower wage workers have exceptional bargaining power. Consider that were it not for the existance of our capitalist system, they would have no opportunities whatsoever. Where does the register operator work if there is no store? That these have the ability to support themselves at all is a considerable part of their compensation. This opportunity and the significant value it represent to the employee is usually considered a given – but it isn't.
bbartlog,
Re; CEO pay.
The only thing that matters is that someone is paying them. If a CEO is being paid more than he or she is worth, it is because someone is paying more than he or she is worth. I know lots of people who are being paid more than they are worth. Its only a concern to me if I'm the one who's paying them.
1. Steven W. — "Indeed, a good case could be made that many business leaders in this country are looting their corporations — taking money that does not belong to them — merely because they have the legal and economic power to do so. Does this just fall under the category of investor beware? I don't think so."
Yes, it does fall under the category of investor beware. If you don't like the way a company is run, then don't invest in it. Invest in a company that has management you like, or invest in something other than securities (real estate, commodities, art, private loans, etc.). If you own mutual funds and therefore can't sell the stock of individual companies, then you have delegated the decision to the fund managers. It is up to them to monitor how the companies in which they invest funds are managed. And make no mistake, they *do* monitor — corporate boards and officers are sued for alleged mismanagement all the time (it's partly how I make my living).
2. bbartlog — "My brother makes three times what I do; I'm a software engineer, he's a professional poker player. Is his job more meaningful? Similarly I would argue that CEO pay is set as the result of a complicated social game which doesn't have much resemblance to a conventional market."
First, the question is not whether his job is more meaningful as a general matter, but how much are people willing to pay for the marginal (i.e., one more) software engineer as opposed to the marginal poker player. Also, we don't know how good a poker player your brother is. It's not instructive to compare, say, a typical s/w engineer with champion gambler.
In any event, there *is* a market for CEOs. When a big enterprise needs to hire a new CEO, its board conducts a search and interviews candidates pretty much the way any employer does. It may seem like a non-market transaction because the number of qualified candidates is so small. You have to work hard and long and survive a lot of battles to even be considered for such a position. So why do CEOs get paid so much even if they screw up? Because that's the deal they were able to bargain for.
(A side note — part of the rise in executive pay is probably an unintended consequence of federal securities regulation. Some years ago, the SEC began requiring that reporting companies disclose executive pay. The goal was to make boards more accountable. But a consequence has been an increase in pay because executives and boards now know how much is being paid in a lot of other enterprises and so it's easier for bargains to be struck in the upper range of what all others are getting.)
Its worth it.
If you manage to explain to just one person the logic behind the minimum wage, he will never again be swayed by any argument for price controls.
"The minimum wage is immoral. Government has no right to interfere with the contracts between employers and employees."
Because you admit that you agree with that, this means you are biased in favor of trying to find that it "hurts the people it's trying to help," which I don't buy. Unless you define "hurt" so broadly to mean that if a single person loses a job because of the minimum wage then people have been "hurt."
"The argument I have been making is that the economic case against increasing the federal minimum wage to $7.25 is not particularly compelling, and there are very strong political reasons for Republicans not to oppose it."
Steven,
You're ignoring the issue of inflation.
All that raising the minimum wage does is raise costs, which raises prices, which dilutes wages.
As a result, you quickly end up back where you started.
You're just the dog chasing your tail.
The only way to actually improve things is through education or training so that you acquire the skills that employers demand.
Tim V,
You ask about a book that explains economics to non-academics. The book that I found helpful(which also explains the problems of minimum wage) is a book called "economics in one lesson" by henry hazlitt. My macro teacher said it wasn't good because it didn't understand keynesian economics, but he is an academic. By all means, academics would HATE this book because it is geared towards non-academics. If you know nothing about economics, this is a great book. It follows frederic bastiat's logic of what is seen, and what is not seen. It is the broken window fallacy basically. He then applies it to different issues, like people saying war is beneficial to an economy, or programs from the government that creates jobs are good.
I don't understand how people (Read Warshawsky and the the lefties) just expect that raising the minimum wage doesn't hurt anyone. It is presented as this idea that business owners can just snap their fingers and POOF pay higher wages.
But this is a further illustration of neurotic behavior from the left wingers. In one hand they trumpet the need for the growth of small businesses against the oppression of industry leaders like Wal-Mart and Home Depot. One way that small businesses make up for their lack of bargaining power for cheaper sourcing of products is to hire labor more cheaply then their big-box competitors.
That money has to come from somwhere. If they cannot raise prices (because of competition) the cost increase will come directly out of profits.
If a business has XXX number of employees that work 20 hours each this is the effect that an increase to 7.25 would have:
-5 employees: $10,500 increase annually
-10 employees: $21,000 increase annually
-20 employees: $42,000 increase annually
That money has to come from somewhere.
——————————————
All of these discussions seem to focus on who we should hurt in favor of helping some one else…. Isn't that just trying to measure utils? If we resort to putting some people's well being above the well being of other's aren't we discriminating?
What is different about discussing liberty with a politician than with someone who obviously holds political solutions sacrosanct?
'To talk about low wage workers making $7 or $8 per hour as "negotiating" their wages in the same way that, e.g., professionals or executives do is absurd.'
Guess what, they do exactly the same thing. They talk to their friends and find out what else is out there, and use that local and specific knowledge to either move to other employment or get their current employer to raise their wage.
And, to expose the illogic of your 93:7 example, what if the 7, unable to find any work at all, starve to death? Is the community as a whole better off because 93 got higher wages (which, btw, indicates they could have negotiated anyway, if not individually certainly as a group).
'…the market clearing wage for low skilled workers varies greatly by job and by locale.'
Exactly. Which is why a nationwide law mandating a minimum wage is so stupid. If it is to do no harm it must be below the market clearing wage in the smallest town in Mississippi, not in NYC.
But, in reality the political clout of New York in Congress will mean it will be at about the market wage there, and do real harm in smaller, and rural, areas.
Compare wages to a capital lease — since they are both fully expensed and the choices don't present any tax consequences. Here's the monthly minimum wage outlay under the current minimum wage, assuming a 20% burden on payroll. Weeks in month * Hours per week * Hourly Rate * burden factor.
(52/12) * 40 * 5.15 * 1.2 = $1,071.20
And heres the calculation under the new wage;
(52/12) * 40 * 7.25 * 1.2 = $1,508.00
Difference = 436.80
Now consider a lease equivalent for 48 months, at 9.5% interest, with a 40% residual value.
As an employer, I can have $81,000 in equipment for $1,506 per month (the new minimum wage). Prior to the new wage, I could only have $57,600 for $1,071 per month. Assuming that there are automated options, this means that low skilled workers now have to compete with an additional $23,400 in capital to justify their job. Employers have options.
These numbers are just a baseline. They don't take into account that machines are available 24 hours a day, 7 days a week — without holidays or vacations. Equipment is an investment, and the purchase payment will go away while the investment keeps on paying returns. Annual full service maintenance contracts are generally 10-15% of the purchase price, and are not required until the purchase warranty expires.
All of these factors make capital investment a better option for employers. How long do you think it will be before a machine that can reliably flip hamburgers will become available — considering the seller can easily justify its $81,000 price, and demonstrate a payback in only 40 hours of use per week.
Can anyone say ATM?
Steven Warshawsky: "To talk about low wage workers making $7 or $8 per hour as "negotiating" their wages in the same way that, e.g., professionals or executives do is absurd."
It is certainly not absurd to talk about wage rate negotiations individuals and business owners. Your initial argument was:
"Low wage workers do not "negotiate" their wages in any meaningful sense."
As an employer of low skilled workers in two states, I know that statement is not true.
Steven Warshawsky: "Indeed, these are the types of industries that tend to unionize."
It is small businesses that pay minimum wage. No union is going to waste its time trying to unionize high school kids and college kids working for a small retailer.
Steven Warshawsky: "and where the supply is large and individual employees are easily replaced, employers will be in a relatively stronger bargaining position"
I don't think that's the reality of the market for low skilled labor. Good employees willing to work for under $7.00 an hour are hard to come by. Owners of small businesses such as mine certainly do not have a strong bargaining position. We compete for good workers with giants such as McDonald's, Safeway, and Barnes and Noble. It's the small businesses that pay minimum wage – not the WalMarts or the Tyson Foods.