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Patrick Garry applauds the Jarkesy ruling. A slice:

Whereas the dissent adopted a functional approach focusing on government efficiency, Roberts argued in his majority opinion that “practicalities” could not undermine the vitality of the jury right. With respect to determining the “public rights” exception, the presumption must be in favor of Article III courts, wrote Roberts. Courts should narrowly apply that exception, lest “the exception swallow the rule.”

Arnold Kling is understandably unimpressed with Sen. Josh Hawley’s illiberalism and Marxian economic ignorance. A slice:

If you picture manufacturing as men doing hard, physical labor, you are out of date. You might as well picture farming as being done with horse-drawn plows.

There is a social divide in this country, but it is not between capital and labor. It is between the college-educated (especially women) and the non-college-educated (especially men). This social divide is very disturbing, but it is complex. Unlike Senator Hawley, I do not believe that it can be addressed by tariffs, trade unions, and minimum wage laws. In fact, I do not believe that this social divide rests primarily on the economy.

George Will rightly criticizes Biden, his handlers, and his water-carriers. Two slices:

The leakage of trustworthiness from American institutions began with the lies that enveloped Watergate and Vietnam. It accelerated during the 2008 financial crisis, when cynicism (“You never want a serious crisis to go to waste”) fueled the government’s indiscriminate and lawless response: The law restricted bailouts to financial institutions? Declare automobile manufacturers to be such. The leakage became a cataract during the pandemic because of the public health establishment’s plucked-from-the-ether edicts (about masks, social distancing, which political gatherings should be exempt from social distancing, etc.) and the sacrifice-the-children opportunism of the most powerful segment of organized labor (teachers unions).

Now the world’s oldest political party and its media accomplices have effected a gigantic subtraction from trust: Leaders of the former lied about President Biden’s condition until, on June 27, continuing to do so became untenable. The latter had allowed the lying because they believe Donald Trump’s many mendacities are an excuse for theirs.


The compassion owed to someone apparently in the cruel grip of an inexorably advancing disease that destroys selfhood should not obscure this fact: Biden’s malady is not robbing the nation of either an impressive political talent or a singularly public-spirited official. Biden was a mediocrity in his 1980s prime, when his first lunge for the presidency quickly collapsed, as his second would in 2008, and as his third almost did after he finished fifth in New Hampshire’s primary in 2020. In the office he eventually attained, he has chosen his defining legacy: the self-absorption of his refusal to leave the public stage gracefully.

And here’s Wall Street Journal columnist William McGurn on Biden and the Democrats’ (and America’s) current pickle. A slice:

Still, it’s one thing for the White House to lie to protect the president. No one expects members of the Biden administration to admit publicly that their boss no longer has all his marbles. But the reason Mr. Biden got away with it so long is that the president’s people knew the Beltway press corps would give them cover, and that Fox News would be the only outlet at the White House that would ever raise a question in the daily press briefing.

Reason‘s Robby Soave predicts that Biden won’t step down.

Philip Klein reports this distressing (if unsurprising) fact: “Republicans make fiscal irresponsibility part of their official platform.”

Art Carden writes insightfully about Google’s (lack of) market power.

Chris Pope decries rent-seekers’ expansion of the meaning of ‘determinants of health.’ A slice:

Social theories of health have become so popular because they allow states, nonprofit groups and other policy advocates to tap into the much larger pool of federal funding that is allocated to healthcare. For instance, citing social theories, states have successfully reclassified social policy expenditures under Medicaid and thereby secured generous matching federal funds. States have also used their regulatory powers to extract social determinants of health expenditures from health insurers, while hospital systems have viewed social expenditures as an easy way to fulfill “community benefit” requirements for maintaining their tax-exempt status. Advocates benefit when states, insurers and hospitals make such expenditures.