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Art Carden describes “the tragedy of Paul Ehrlich.” A slice:

In the Malthus-Ehrlich view of the world, every new person is just a stomach and a pair of hands. Diminishing marginal returns means the hands can’t keep up, and disaster is inevitable. In [Julian] Simon’s view of the world, which I share with a great many economists and other commentators, each person is a stomach, a pair of hands, and a brain—a creative mind. That creative mind, according to Julian Simon, is the ultimate resource.

The New York Times called his predictions “premature.” The word they needed to use was “wrong.” His alarmist predictions informed fifty years of population and environmental policy, including China’s one-child policy and the demographic cliff we face as population growth slows and may eventually turn into decline. Ehrlich’s ideas had disastrous consequences, and the greatest tragedy of his passing is that he apparently died never having learned from a career of alarmism and sustained error. May his example and his memory serve as a warning to us all.

The Editorial Board of the Washington Post argues that the American economy is hurt, not helped, by the U.S. government’s increasing proclivity to mimic the interventionist policies of the communist government ensconced in Beijing. A slice:

The administration has already used taxpayer dollars to buy equity stakes in other critical mineral companies, such as Trilogy Metals, Lithium Americas, MP Materials, Vulcan Elements, Korea Zinc and USA Rare Earth. It’s also entered into an agreement to take a 10 percent stake in Intel, the chip manufacturer, and secured a “golden share” of U.S. Steel while negotiating the acquisition of that company by Japan’s Nippon.

There may be a case for limited government intervention to guarantee the supply of certain inputs into products crucial for national security. But a better way to ensure that happens is reducing trade barriers with allies rather than allowing bureaucrats to bet on which firms might be successful.

These deals are especially problematic when the companies have business connections with administration officials or close allies of the president. Syrah, for example, is closely tied with Elon Musk’s Tesla. But they also distort the economy by boosting projects that might not make sense economically. And taxpayers will be left holding the bag if the company fails.

China’s control of critical minerals is a serious issue, but having Uncle Sam as a minority shareholder in a foreign mining operation won’t solve it. Getting out of the way of innovators, and allowing private money to flow more freely between friendly nations, would do more.

Scott Lincicome tweets:

The Trump administration’s new biofuels bailout means higher US gas and food prices and worse environmental outcomes.

But at least farmers will get another $3-4B from the government.

Per Bylund reveals “the real lesson of the TSA walkout.”

Daniel Freeman explains what shouldn’t – but, alas, what nevertheless always does – need explaining: Rising prices are not caused by “greed” (but price ceilings, in addition to further reducing access to goods and services, are caused by greed – namely, the greed for political power).

Stephanie Slade writes that the loathsome “Nick Fuentes and his followers compete to see who can be most offensive.”

Whether you regard the current war on Iran as righteous or reckless, Coleman Hughes debunks the lazy notion that the U.S. government is a pawn of the Israeli lobby. Two slices:

The idea that the most powerful country the world has ever known is being puppeteered by a country the size of New Jersey — and by a group that collectively accounts for 0.2 percent of the world’s population — is an extraordinary claim. You would expect overwhelming evidence. In reality, there’s little to substantiate it.

Criticize America’s foreign and domestic policy as much as you want—there’s plenty to criticize. But don’t blame it on Israel or its supporters.

The centerpiece of this narrative is a historical claim: that Israel got the United States into the Iraq War. In reality, Israel’s prime minister came to the White House to caution President Bush against invading Iraq, warning that it would empower Iran, Israel’s real enemy. Bush listened politely, then ignored him and invaded anyway, because American presidents make their own choices, for good and for ill.

At the same time, the IDF chief of military intelligence said on TV in the fall of 2002 that Israel did not believe Saddam Hussein could obtain nuclear weapons, contradicting U.S. intelligence assessments. It’s hard to imagine a clearer discouragement. Again, the United States ignored this and proceeded for its own reasons.

…..

The United States maintains hundreds of military bases worldwide and spends vast sums sustaining its global presence. For example, the U.S. stations 30,000 American troops in South Korea and loses $3–4 billion every year because of its deployment there. But no one argues that an all-powerful South Korea lobby controls American foreign policy.

Glenn [Greenwald] tried to argue that the fact that we have troops deployed in South Korea makes the $4 billion a year we lose there a lesser commitment than the aid to Israel. But if the situation were reversed — if we had troops deployed in Tel Aviv and not Seoul — then he’d argue the opposite! Dave [Smith] and Glenn are always reasoning backward from their conclusion — they start from the premise that Israel controls us, and fill in the reasons afterward.

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