≡ Menu

Some Links

My intrepid Mercatus Center colleague, Veronique de Rugy, reports on a revealing study of the effects of unconditional cash handouts by government.

Joel Zinberg exposes in detail the sophomoric ‘economics’ that is at the heart of Lina Khan’s and her FTC’s evidence-free case against pharmacy benefit managers (PBMs). A slice:

PBMs are private businesses that manage prescription drug benefits on behalf of insurance-plan sponsors. They negotiate with drug manufacturers and pharmacies. Manufacturers trade lower prices for formulary access and more sales. Pharmacies trade discounts and increased retailing requirements for favorable placement in plan networks and more customers. This selective contracting allows PBMs to obtain rebates and discounts that lower drug costs. It also allows them to encourage the use of drugs that are cheaper (such as generics), more effective, or both. While plan sponsors aren’t required to contract with PBMs, most do, suggesting they value PBMs’ services.

My own study for the Competitive Enterprise Institute, as well as studies by University of Chicago economist Casey Mulligan, found that PBMs foster competition that lowers drug costs. Mr. Mulligan estimates that PBMs produce at least $145 billion in annual value to society beyond their resource costs.

Here’s GMU Econ alum Dominic Pino on Kamala Harris.

Joe Lancaster writes that “Biden’s act is not heroic.”

Arnold Kling likes the gist of what Eric Kaufmann says, but not at all the way that Kaufmann says it.

Art Carden asks: Where will the new jobs come from?

GMU Econ alum Dominic Pino talks with Scott Lincicome about jobs and labor unions.

Chelsea Follett offers “Smithian insights into shrinking global inequality.” A slice:

Furthermore, the majority of people have no objection to inequality arrived at by merit, and there is no evidence of widespread inequality-induced unhappiness. In developing countries, increased economic inequality that arises as part of the population escapes poverty is often seen as heartening—proof that upward mobility is possible—and can coincide with greater average happiness. Research has similarly found “a complete lack of any effect of inequality on the happiness of the American poor.”

Of course, when the rich are protected through privileged status in law, inequality seems far more troubling. Smith recognized that incumbent businesses sometimes gain unfair privileges from the government—in the form of regulations that strangle competition, for example.

{ 0 comments }

Quotation of the Day…

… is from page 198 of my late, great colleague Walter Williams’s May 1993 article in Reader’s Digest, “What Trade Laws Cost You”:

Voluntary, peaceful exchange among citizens of a country is a blessing. Why should it be any different when such commerce takes place across international boundaries? Remember, countries don’t trade – people do. The United States doesn’t buy Toyotas or Buicks – you do. And you pay too much for cars, clothes and food because myths about international trade continue to influence politicians, the press and public opinion.

DBx: I can find no on-line version of this article by Walter.

{ 0 comments }

Bonus Quotation of the Day…

… is from page 176 of the original edition of Walter Lippmann’s sometimes deeply flawed but profoundly insightful and important 1937 book, The Good Society:

The market is not something invented by businessmen and speculators for their profit, or by the classical economists for their intellectual pleasure. The market is the only possible method by which labor that has been analyzed into separate specialities can be synthesized into useful work.

DBx: This truth is not grasped by Oren Cass, Lina Khan, Robert Lighthizer, and others who argue that the ultimate purpose of economic activity is not exclusively the satisfaction of consumer desires but, instead, includes – or is even dominated by – the need to protect individuals in the particular roles they happen to occupy, or that they wish to occupy, as producers.

Pundits, professors, and politicians who deny the centrality of consumer sovereignty – people who, in other words, dismiss the centrality of the consumer-welfare standard – misunderstand what is meant by “consumption.” This error is their first: Interpreting advocacy of consumer sovereignty as advocacy of irresponsible and myopic gluttony or soulless pursuit of shallow pleasures, the “anti-consumerists” (as I’ll call them) refuse to acknowledge that “pro-consumerists,” from Adam Smith forward, quite clearly meant by “consumption” no such thing. What Smith and other “pro-consumerists” mean by “consumption” is the pursuit by individuals of whatever are the ends that individuals who work and produce aim to achieve through their working and producing. The consumer is neither analytically nor in practice only the sybarite who goes to Las Vegas to gamble, dine, drink, and be sensually entertained. Nor is the consumer a cartoonish buffoon who works himself to the brink of the grave in order only to build an ever-larger McMansion to be filled with an ever-greater number of baubles and bottles of bubbly.

Of course consumption includes eating, being clothed, and being sheltered. But beyond these basic physical necessities, consumption can – and does for nearly everyone who lives above subsistence – also include non-material satisfactions: leisure time with family, friends, and neighbors; mastering a musical instrument or a foreign language simply for the joy of doing so; helping to pay for the education of children and grandchildren; working at a particular job that doesn’t pay the highest available monetary income but offers non-monetary amenities worth more than the foregone monetary income; travel that enriches the soul and mind – this list can be much-extended.

Understanding what the anti-consumerists fail to understand about the meaning of consumption reveals a second flaw in the anti-consumerists’ case: They also fail to understand that the only practical way to determine which uses of resources are most productive is to allow maximum freedom to earners of income to spend those incomes (but only those incomes) as they choose. The earning of the income is the means; the specifics of how the income is spent, insofar as this spending isn’t artificially obstructed by the threat of coercive force, reveal the ends that the income earners are pursuing. This freedom to spend generates prices that reveal the relative values of units of goods and services.

In a society with a division of labor, each of us produces indirectly that which we wish to consume; we ‘produce’ for ourselves that which we wish to consume by first directly producing those goods and services at which we have a comparative advantage. We then sell these outputs to people who wish to buy these outputs. We then use the incomes we thereby earn to acquire that which we desire. It follows that if Sam prevents Adam from spending his (Adam’s) income as Adam chooses, Sam reduces Adam’s productivity. He denies to Adam the opportunity to get the most from his productive efforts.

Sam, at this point, protests that the purchases that his (Sam’s) interventions compel Adam to make enable Lina and Robert to work at producing outputs that Lina and Robert wish to generate. “See!” Sam proudly exclaims, “Lina and Robert are working more!” Sam admits that his intervention reduces Adam’s consumption, but, insists Sam, consumption is less important than production. Sam is adamant that the additional production that Lina and Robert are now doing because of Sam’s noble efforts to reduce Adam’s selfish or myopic consumption is good not only for Lina and Robert, but also for Adam (even if Adam isn’t yet aware of his good fortune). Sam congratulates himself for his wisdom and maturity – for his seeing the baseness of the materialistic neoliberals’ naive supposition that the only thing that human beings want to achieve is maximum satisfaction of their sensual desires.

Being so caught up in self-congratulation, Sam misses at least four key empirical realities. The first reality that he misses is that his arranging for Lina and Robert to work more at producing the gidgets that they wish to produce causes their fellow citizens Adam, Rose, and Frederic to work less at producing the widgets that they wish to produce. Sam doesn’t care about Adam, Rose, and Frederic because, not seeing them, they are, too him, unreal and, therefore, insignificant.

The second reality that Sam misses is one that we’ve already mentioned: Sam’s interventions reduce the value of Adam’s, Rose’s, and Frederic’s work effort by reducing the value of the bundle of goods and services for which these workers are able to exchange the fruits of their work. Sam’s interventions make Adam, Rose, and Frederic less productive.

The third reality that escapes Sam’s notice is that market prices set by freedom to trade – the freedom of income earners to spend their incomes (and only their incomes) as they choose, and the freedom of entrepreneurs and investors to enter and exit industries as the choose – are the only remotely reliable available sources of information about which uses of scarce resources, including labor, are most productive.

The fourth reality missed by Sam is that if Lina and Robert truly do value the opportunity to work more (or more securely) at producing gidgets, they can achieve this outcome by agreeing to accept lower pay to work as gidget producers. But with Sam officiously in the picture, Lina and Robert are able to avoid having to pay to satisfy this particular preference of theirs; Sam compels Adam, Rose, and Frederic to pay to satisfy Lina’s and Robert’s preference. Sam reduces the value of Adam’s, Rose’s, and Frederic’s production by forcing them to pay for the satisfaction of one of Lina’s and Robert’s consumption preferences – namely, to work at jobs from which Lina and Robert derive personal satisfaction but that result in the production of output that Adam, Rose, Frederic, and other fellow citizens are unwilling voluntarily to pay for.

Sam fancies himself wiser, more mature, and more in-tune with rich and diverse human nature than are the people who he contemptuously dismisses as “neoliberals” or “market fundamentalists.” Sam marinates in this self-satisfying fancy only because he refuses, or is unable, to understand the case for free markets and free trade. Failing to understand this case, he constructs a straw man, calls it ‘the case for free markets and free trade,’ and then proceeds to slay it and then bask in the adoring applause of throngs of people who are as ignorant as is he about the actual case for free markets and free trade.

{ 0 comments }

Some Links

Bob Graboyes explains that “‘Tax the Rich’ and ‘Tariff China’ are equivalently self-destructive nonsense.” A slice:

Democrats want to punish the rich with taxes, and Republicans want to punish China with tariffs. The two are analytically equivalent, and both bring to mind H.L. Mencken’s chestnut, “There is always a well-known solution to every human problem—neat, plausible, and wrong.” Maybe six weeks into an Economics 101 course, one encounters the “incidence of taxation” and learns why tax-the-rich and tariff-the-Chinese are fallacious and self-harming strategies. For the past 250 years or so, political leaders have gone through an endless cycle of learning this logic and then forgetting it.

Lance Morrow writes insightfully about Biden. A slice:

For the moment, it would be well to remember that the incredible mess of American politics in the summer of 2024 is the doing not only of the egregious Donald Trump but also of a stubborn, prideful, selfish Joe Biden and his wife Jill and the rest of the Bidens, and his closest aides. In this debacle, Biden’s laurels are withered; he does not deserve much glory. In the wake of his reluctant departure from the race, he leaves a squalor of conspiracy theories and the scandal of his having persisted for so long. Conservative historians will write him off as an incompetent, while progressives—after overpraising his accomplishments—will recall him as the one who left the Democratic Party in chaos and, as may be, delivered the country to the carnivore Donald Trump.

My intrepid Mercatus Center colleague, Veronique de Rugy, with an assist from Ryan Bourne, reminds us of Kamala Harris’s economic-policy ideas. A slice:

She is also a protectionist and voted against president Trump’s free-trade USMCA (U.S.-Mexico-Canada Agreement). During her first campaign (she got fewer votes than the Democrat who won the primary in Samoa this year, as I learned from Matt Continetti), she supported Medicare for All (though she later modified her stance. That means she may shift again), the Green New Deal, federal paid family leave, and free college tuition for most Americans. These are only a few things she is for, in addition to all the things that happened during the last few years.

I get that some of her economic positions may be acceptable these days among a few in the New Republican Right. But that doesn’t make them any less worrisome for those of us who believe in economic growth, innovation, and human flourishing.

George Will counsels Democrats to hold an open convention. Two slices:

Democrats face what seems to, but should not, rattle them: the prospect of an old-fashioned deliberative convention, rather than a modern one that merely ratifies decisions taken in states’ primaries and caucuses. President Biden, in what we may hope is the last irresponsible act of his irresponsibly prolonged public career, has said, in effect, to convention delegates and voters: If you enjoyed my presidency (polls indicate that an American majority has not enjoyed it), I urge the convention to nominate Vice President Harris. So, let’s recapitulate the Democrats’ path into today’s political cul-de-sac.

…..

An English person once said of another, “He has risen without a trace.” If only that could be said of Harris, the helium candidate, lighter than air. The eerie strangeness of her public maunderings will live as long as YouTube enables the savoring of her streams of semiconsciousness about space, school buses, broadband in Louisiana, Poland and NATO’s northern flank, nations working together by working together, the border (“We have a secure border”) and equity (“Equitable treatment means we all end up in the same place”).

Perhaps delusions of adequacy disincline her to prepare, or even think, before speaking. Democratic delegates who convene in Chicago should think before possibly handing to her the nuclear launch codes. And they should read their party’s Rule 13.J: “Delegates elected to the national convention pledged to a presidential candidate shall in all good conscience reflect the sentiments of those who elected them” (emphasis added). Shall, not may. It is a duty.

And spare us doubly silly sermons about how Biden’s delegates consented to him, and are his property to dispose of. The noun “consent” comes with an implicit adjective preceding it: “informed.” Voters who supported Biden in primaries were misinformed by him and his party about something germane: his evaporating faculties.

Biden’s Out. Harris Is In. Everyone Else Is Screwed.

This letter in the Wall Street Journal is correct:

Contrary to Prof. Graedon Zorzi’s op-ed “J.D. Vance and the Rise of ‘Postliberalism’” (July 17), the postliberal movement isn’t “new.” Many of its ideas have been circulated in the public square for decades—by progressives on the left. This particular brand of New Rightism shares a mind-set with its supposed enemies: rejecting individual liberties such as religious freedom, seeking to grow the administrative state to impose an undefined “common good” and demonizing the free-market system using populist rhetoric. The frequent refrain of many postliberals, including at times Sen. Vance, is that government should be used to reshape the private sphere in accord with their desires.

The notion that Catholic postliberals are merely upholding the social teaching of the Church doesn’t bear scrutiny. To quote Venerable Archbishop Fulton J. Sheen, “The human person and his family, being prior to the State, have inalienable rights, such as the maximum of personal liberty and economic well-being constant with the laws of God.”

In the late 1800s, at the height of anti-Catholic animus in our country, Pope Leo XIII referred to the father of our country as the “great Washington.” He also encouraged the founders of the Catholic University of America “to give to the Republic her best citizens.” It’s a charge that applies with equal force today to each one of us. We will also have problems this side of the Vale of Tears. But as Psalm 145 says, “Put your trust not in princes.”

We hope that Mr. Vance agrees and will not be manipulated by a small, power-hungry faction inside the church he has joined.

Andrea Picciotti-Bayer
The Conscience Project
McLean, Va.

Prof. James Patterson
Ave Maria University< Ave Maria, Fla.

Richard M. Reinsch II
American Institute for Economic Research
Great Barrington, Mass.

Bruce Yandle is understandably unimpressed with the current Democratic administration’s harebrained scheme to lower the costs of rental housing. A slice:

Calling for price controls to bring down inflation is like having a baby—easy to conceive but hard to deliver.

In an ironic but understandable turn of events, given that it is “crazy season” when desperate politicians try almost anything to get elected, Joe Biden has announced a White House effort to impose IRS-administered controls on rents charged by landlords in major markets across the United States.

Let’s face it, the idea of just outlawing price increases to limit inflation has superficial appeal. But the Biden proposal should be dismissed for what it is, a clumsy election year attempt to attract some more votes by appearing to quench inflationary fires that ironically Biden himself ignited.

GMU Econ student Michael Peterson decries Gen Z’s “financial nihilism.”

Neal McCluskey sensibly finds no problem with proposals to eliminate the U.S. Department of Education.

{ 0 comments }

Quotation of the Day…

… is from page 20 of the 1993 Liberty Fund reissue of the 1969 Cambridge University Press edition of the 1854 translation of Wilhelm von Humboldt’s great 1792 work, The Limits of State Action:

[T]he evil results of a too extensive solicitude on the part of the State are still more strikingly shown in the suppression of all active energy, and the necessary deterioration of the moral character. This scarcely needs any further argument. The man who is often led easily becomes disposed willingly to sacrifice what remains of his capacity for spontaneous action. He fancies himself released from an anxiety which he sees transferred to other hands, and seems to himself to do enough when he looks to their leadership and follows it. Thus, his notions of merit and guild become unsettled. The idea of the first no longer inspires him; and the painful consciousness of the last assails him less frequently and forcibly, since he can more easily ascribe his shortcomings to his peculiar position, and leave them to the responsibility of those who have made it what it is.

{ 0 comments }

Some GOPers’ Reflections on the Free Market

Reason‘s Emma Camp interviewed a handful of Republicans who attended last week’s GOP convention in Milwaukee. It’s only a handful of individuals, and I have no idea how much editing went into the final product, but watching this six-minute-long clip was mostly quite dispiriting.

{ 0 comments }

Bonus Quotation of the Day…

… is from page 67 of W.H. Hutt’s detailed, careful, and profound 1979 study, The Keynesian Episode:

The great undiscerned truth is that the free, or competitive system is the only coordinative mechanism which is compatible with the achievement of heterogeneous ends from heterogeneous means.

DBx: Yes. And this fact is among the realities of the free market that is most disliked by socialists, industrial-policyists, and protectionists. Most of these opponents of the free market want to coerce individuals into serving, not the diverse ends of the individuals’ own choosing, but those particular ends chosen by the socialists, industrial-policyists, or protectionists.

{ 0 comments }

Some Links

David Henderson exposes – much better than I have done – the economic ignorance of Oren Cass’s recent criticism of Bryan Riley on trade.

Patrick Barron writes an open letter to me about trade – with which I agree in full.

Amity Shlaes tweets: (HT Kevin Briggs)

The originator of the Forgotten Man concept, William Graham Sumner, vigorously opposed protectionism.

Now who’d a-thunk that Chinese industrial policy wouldn’t work out so well for the Chinese? A slice:

The resulting overcapacity means that prices that producers charge at the factory gate have been in free fall for almost two years. That is dragging the overall economy closer to outright deflation, and eating into earnings. Around a quarter of the companies listed in mainland China are now unprofitable, compared with 7% a decade ago, according to a Wall Street Journal analysis of listed companies’ financial statements.

Here’s Reason‘s Eric Boehm on the Democrats’ now-successful effort to drive Biden from the presidential sweepstakes.

Jacob Sullum describes Biden’s withdrawal from the presidential sweepstakes as a “final flip-flop.”

The Wall Street Journal‘s Matthew Hennessey’s argues that “Democrats will pay for the Biden Big Lie.” A slice:

The list of those who carried Mr. Biden’s water is long. The media attacked anyone who pointed out his obvious infirmity. Democrats on the House Judiciary Committee savaged special counsel Robert Hur’s integrity for his report characterizing Mr. Biden as a “well-meaning elderly man with a poor memory.” Ms. Jean-Pierre accused Republicans of producing “cheap fake” videos of Mr. Biden looking lost and confused.

All of it was baloney. All of it was a coverup. All of it was intentional. All of it.

Democrats underestimate the price they will pay for lying this way. If they think they can slide Mr. Biden out and Kamala Harris—or someone else—in and voters will simply forget all about it, they’re in for a rude awakening. The damage has been done. It’ll be a long time undoing it.

Art Carden is an excellent economist.

Chelsea Follett is collecting books about “the grim old days.” [DBx: I’ve so far read only the one written by William Manchester, which is excellent.]

Using economic reasoning, Bill Shughart predicts that there will now be more batters in the National League of Major League Baseball being beaned.

{ 0 comments }

Quotation of the Day…

… is from page 2 my former Mercatus Center colleague Dan Griswold’s April 2023 paper with Andreas Freytag, “Balance of Trade, Balance of Power: How the Trade Deficit Reflects U.S. Influence in the World“:

The United States can only run a persistent deficit in its current account because it runs an equally persistent surplus in the financial account, which measures the flow of capital across the border. More investment flows into the United States each year than flows out, on net, in large part because the United States remains a safe and profitable haven for the world’s savings. The investment, in turn, fuels growth and job creation.

DBx: It remains a mystery why we Americans should interpret foreigners’ eagerness to acquire and hold dollar-denominated assets as a sign either of foreigners’ unfairness toward us (Do you act unfairly toward your bank by depositing money in it?) or of our economic decline (Do you invest in institutions that you believe are declining?). Also mysterious is why we Americans should fret about the consequences of these investments. (Are you made poorer when, say, your employer invests in worker training for you, or when the factory or the retail store across town are upgraded?)

…..

The figure here shows the accounting reality that a deficit in the current account is always exactly matched by a surplus in the financial – sometimes call “capital” – account. This reality is important yet typically ignored by the many people who wring their hands over America’s trade deficit. Yet this figure misleads when its creator writes that “The country is using financial inflows to finance consumption of imports and investment.” The author of this line can be forgiven given that this manner of thinking about financial-account surpluses is so very common. But what here is common is also wrong.

First, to write of “financing consumption” of investment is obviously misleading. Investment isn’t consumption; an increase in investment requires a reduction in consumption. Second and more fundamentally, nothing is done by “the country.” International commercial transactions are carried out by flesh-and-blood individuals, each pursuing his or her own goals according to his or her own plans. The outcomes recorded on the current and financial accounts aren’t the results of unitary action by “the country” or by the government – a fact for which we should be thankful.

Third, and no less fundamentally, much of the domestic investment that is funded with capital inflows is done not only not by “the country,” but not even by fellow citizens; it is done by foreigners. And much of this investment would simply never occur were it not for foreigners conceiving of its possibility and potential, and having the creativity and gumption to carry it out on our shores. Put differently – and contrary to the implication of standard, textbook discussions of the balance of payments – much of this foreign investment in America would not be done by Americans if only Americans saved more.

{ 0 comments }

Bonus Quotation of the Day…

… is from page 327 of economist Lionel Robbins’s wise and still-relevant 1937 book, Economic Planning and International Order; it is the book’s final paragraph:

Nationalism is something which must be surpassed. There was probably never a moment in the history of the world when such a task seemed so difficult to accomplish. But it can be accomplished if our hearts and minds tell us that it is necessary; and it must be accomplished if all that we regard as most valuable is not to perish in the wreck of our common civilization.

{ 0 comments }