Phil Magness’s letter is today’s Wall Street Journal is great:
In his May 29 letter, JD Vance encourages policymakers to enlist the “tools” of government to direct the American economy in a style reminiscent of Franklin Roosevelt. Such actions, he contends, are necessary to attain “fairer treatment from foreign partners” and to solve a variety of ills that have allegedly decimated productive American industries. Mr. Vance faults Mexico and China by name for his complaints and presents the Trump administration’s tariff agenda as a prudential government corrective, neglecting to substantiate the efficacy of his preferred economic policies.
While reading these claims, I was reminded of an author who once urged Americans to take responsibility for their lives instead of turning to the government for solutions or constantly blaming others for “some perceived unfairness.” This author dismissed excuses such as “Obama shut down the coal mines, or all the jobs went to the Chinese,” describing them as “lies we tell ourselves to solve the cognitive dissonance—the broken connection between the world we see and the values we preach.”
These words appeared in the 2016 book “Hillbilly Elegy.” Mr. Vance could benefit from their counsel today.
Phillip W. Magness
The Independent Institute
T.J. Rodgers explains that “Congress wasted taxpayer dollars on Sematech in 1987. The 2022 Chips and Science Act is a repeat.” Three slices:
I was the CEO of Cypress Semiconductor, a chip company founded in 1982 that peaked in 2018 at $2.8 billion in revenue and 5,846 employees. In 2020 German chip maker Infineon acquired us for $10 billion.
In 1987, the Semiconductor Industry Association decided that our industry needed to get on what I call welfare. The association lobbied Washington to fund a consortium called Sematech, grant it exemptions from antitrust laws, and fund a silicon-wafer fabrication plant. This was needed, the association said, because Japanese companies were about to wipe out the American semiconductor industry. As a chip company CEO, I never worried about getting wiped out, but I worried daily about rival memory chips from Hitachi, Toshiba, Mitsubishi and Fujitsu. That healthy competition made our company stronger, and in 2015 Cypress acquired Fujitsu’s microcontroller team.
Before a 1987 congressional hearing on funding Sematech, Rep. Bob Walker (R., Pa.) called to ask if I would testify against funneling government dollars into the consortium. The semiconductor establishment, including Gordon Moore of Intel, testified for Sematech. My testimony that Sematech was a bad idea and that it would harm our industry landed me on the cover of BusinessWeek with the headline “The Bad Boy of Silicon Valley.” Although I failed to stop Sematech from getting government funding, I testified three more times before Congress and managed to help prevent the public funding of another chip welfare program.
My mother was a fifth-grade teacher in Oshkosh, Wis. She earned $25,000 a year. Why should chip companies, some of the wealthiest corporations in the world, take money from her and other ordinary citizens? Today’s massive $280 billion Chips and Science Act of 2022, the latest semiconductor welfare program, is even less justified than Sematech was.
…..
Sematech’s wafer-fabrication plant, built slowly because of politics, was already becoming obsolescent on the two-year Moore’s Law clock. By comparison, in 2007 Cypress sold our aging original “Fab 1” 1983 plant for $53 million to a startup, Silicon Valley Technology Corp., to recycle our shareholders’ funding. Sematech, which had moved its headquarters from Austin to Albany, N.Y., in 2007 to chase New York state subsidies, effectively gave away its Austin plant, which was double the size and a decade newer than our Fab 1. The $24 million price wasn’t disclosed and was never paid in cash, just services.
To my knowledge, Sematech contributed nothing of note to U.S. semiconductor technology. Its Final Report in 1997 served up platitudes about “catching up with Japan” and fostering “industry cooperation.”
Decades later, the Semiconductor Industry Association—now a group of lobbyists in Washington—began “saving” the chip industry again. This time the target is China, despite the fact that its best wafer foundry is SMIC, an also-ran in the foundry business. China is less a competitive threat today than Japan was in 1987.
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Today, 100 high-performance computers can be put on one chip. The companies that know how to design 100-billion-transistor chips for a critical function such as artificial intelligence are much more valuable than the companies that carve commodity chips out of silicon wafers, like those in China. While the biggest chip-manufacturing company in China is worth $54 billion, a single U.S. chip company, Nvidia, is worth $3.4 trillion—58 times as much—and it doesn’t even make its own chips. Why are we doing this again?
Brian Darling is correct: “‘Liberation Day’ tariffs unconstitutional and unpopular.” A slice:
Our Founding Fathers believed that the executive does not have unlimited powers to impose tariffs on imports. James Madison, in Federalist 48, made the point that “the powers properly belonging to one of the departments ought not to be directly and completely administered by either of the other departments.” Article I, Section 8, Clause 1 of the Constitution specifically gives the power to Congress to lay and collect taxes and duties. Levying tariffs falls clearly into the enumerated powers of Congress that can’t be delegated away to the executive branch.
My Mercatus Center colleague Satya Marar ponders AI and antitrust … and tariffs.
Eric Boehm reports on Sen. Rand Paul’s (R-KY) and Elon Musk’s opposition to the “big, beautiful bill” – or what Musk quite accurately describes as “a disgusting abomination.” A slice:
Trump wrote that the bill is a big “WINNER.” He may see it that way, but every independent assessment of the package says it will add at least $3 trillion to the long-term deficit (and potentially as much as $5 trillion). That means the bill is doing the opposite of what Trump vowed to do in March during his speech to Congress, when he promised to balance the budget.
Thomas Lenard sensibly calls for the Federal Communications Commission to be shut down. (HT Arnold Kling). A slice:
Congress established the FCC to regulate monopoly telecommunications services and later directed it to promote competition in those services. Today, with voice and data communications provided by many competing technologies, the industry is one of the economy’s most competitive and dynamic.
For much of its history, the FCC presided over the Bell System monopoly, which kept out new entrants and lasted until the courts broke it up in the early 1980s. The FCC’s subsequent efforts to promote competition, following passage of the Telecommunications Act of 1996, resulted in dozens of bankruptcies, billions of dollars in shareholder losses, and distorted investment incentives for new entrants and incumbents.
As the internet took off in the 1990s and early 2000s, the Clinton and Bush FCCs recognized the importance of leaving it largely unregulated. The Obama and Biden FCCs, however, saw the internet’s success as a reason to regulate.
Without evidence of market failure, Messrs. Obama and Biden tried for years to make internet-service providers common carriers and subject them to public-utility-style regulation. This type of regulation is rarely beneficial, and virtually never for industries characterized by rapid technical change.
Jim Geraghty rightly warns that ridiculing Trump with “TACO” will only prod him to refuse to change course on those countless occasions when he should indeed change course.
The Editorial Board of the Wall Street Journal rightly worries that Trump is doing and saying things that win the applause of Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse (D-RI). A slice:
“Trump’s mad rant unloads on Court-fixer Leonard Leo—has Trump FINALLY figured out that he was chumped big-time by Leo, McGahn and the creepy billionaires (Koch) who REALLY controlled ‘his’ judicial appointments? Slow learner,” Mr. Whitehouse tweeted.
Mr. Leo and former White House counsel Don McGahn were two of the Federalist Society stalwarts who helped Mr. Trump remake the federal judiciary in the President’s first term. Mr. Whitehouse, the Captain Ahab of the Senate, has spent years trying to find something to spear Mr. Leo with, but he always misses. He is elated now that Mr. Trump, who prospered by nominating originalist judges, is turning against the collaborators who helped engineer the President’s greatest achievement.