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Bonus Quotation of the Day…

… is from page 268 of Matt Ridley’s excellent 2020 book, How Innovation Works: And Why It Flourishes in Freedom:

Much ‘growth’ is actually shrinkage. Largely unnoticed, there is a burgeoning trend today that the main engine of economic growth is not from using more resources, but from using innovation to do more with less: more food from less land and less water; more miles for less fuel; more communication for less electricity; more buildings for less steel; more transistors for less silicon; more correspondence for less paper; more socks for less money; more parties for less real time worked.

DBx: Indeed! But what there are more of are ideas – creative, productive, fruitful ideas. These ideas are tested against each other in competitive markets, for the worth of entrepreneurial, investment, marketing, and management ideas can be determined only in competition with other ideas offered by anyone who wishes to spend his or her own money and effort to offer up ideas.

Correct ideas for what goods and services are best to produce and of how best to produce them cannot possibly be discovered in the heads and from the keyboard strokes of politicians, bureaucrats, media pundits, professors, or think-tank scholars. These individuals, of course, can each have ideas about what should be produced and about how best to produce those things. And these individuals ought to be free, along with everyone else, to test their ideas in the market as most other people test their own ideas in the market – specifically, without special privileges granted by government.

Unfortunately, most politicians, bureaucrats, media pundits, professors, and think-tank scholars are so utterly uncreative that they cannot imagine how to arrange to turn their ideas into reality except by brute force. So they they plead for government to initiate coercion against other people in order to direct other people to behave according to the fancies of these politicians, bureaucrats, media pundits, professors, and think-tank scholars.

It’s as if a researcher at, say, American Compass were unhappy with the current state of American music and proceeds to insist that more music composed in America ought to be more like the music of the baroque. This researcher then writes papers demanding that government adopt a music policy to ensure that Americans compose and perform and listen to more baroque music.

The researcher, of course, doesn’t fail to detail all the many problems that he or she believes spring from the current state of American music. Nor does this researcher fail to boast of all the many wonders that ordinary Americans will reap once the state engineers American music to sound more like this researcher is convinced American music should sound.

“Why don’t you compose your own musical scores and offer to sell the sheet music or performances of your music to the paying public?” someone eventually asks the researcher.

As they say, crickets. No answer.

The researcher, let us be frank, is no composer. He or she doesn’t know the first thing about composing music – for if he or she did, and if he or she were truly convinced that Americans are craving more baroque-style music, he or she would be rolling in the dough by composing and selling such music.

The researcher specializes in telling people what they should do with their own money. Or, more precisely: the researcher specializes in telling audiences about, and advising government on, how government should coerce countless strangers to behave in ways that the researcher believes will bring the world into closer conformity with his or her fancies.

…..

When the example is music (or art more generally), as Deirdre McCloskey often points out, the unworkability of such schemes is evident. No one of any sense supposes that a U.S.-government-orchestrated “music policy” would improve American music. The realization would immediately be widespread, upon encountering such a proposal, that a “music policy” would result in dreary, uncreative, uninspired tunes.

But substitute “industrial policy” for “music policy,” and suddenly scores of people are nodding their heads at the brilliance and promise of the notion. Among the reasons for this disconnect is a failure to understand that business entrepreneurs are just as creative as are composers, and that business ideas, like musical idea, prove their worth only by being tested in front of paying audiences.

Another reality that goes unrealized by enthusiasts for industrial policy is that, just as new and beautiful musical styles often emerge from surprise mixings of different existing styles, new and productive business ideas often emerge from surprise mixings of existing ideas. The emphasis here is on surprise. Even though the styles and ideas that prompt new ones pre-exist the new ones, the new ones are indeed new. As Matt Ridley explains in his 2010 book, The Rational Optimist, “ideas have sex”: That the genes that created you pre-existed you does not mean that you are not a unique creature.

Now that I’ve changed metaphors, I’ll go a bit further with the new one: It’s accurate to say that advocates of industrial policy are advocates of economic incest. No surprise, free mixing of ideas for them!. All ideas that germinate will have one source: the relatively tiny handful of officials who run the state.

The economic results of such a closed economic system are destined to be just as unfortunate as are the results of a closed mating system.

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Some Links

Phil Magness masterfully explains why the New York Times‘s “1619 Project” is unsuitable to serve as a basis for K-12 education. A slice:

To the extent that historians informed the project’s discussion of the crucial period between 1775 and 1865, the Times has remained entirely non-transparent. Hannah-Jones has declined to specify which experts she consulted for her essay, and the only public acknowledgement of any outside review to date has come from Leslie Harris, the historian the Times recruited to fact-check her arguments about slavery’s role in the American Revolution – and then promptly ignoredwhen Harris advised against publishing the claim. Desmond’s essay sources its interpretation to seven academic historians who are quoted in the article. Yet all seven are affiliated with the “New History of Capitalism” (NHC) movement – an insular and ideological school of slavery scholars that emerged in the last decade, and that has fared poorly under scrutiny of its own arguments about slavery’s economic dimensions. Desmond’s essay is, at best, a sloppy cribbing of NHC arguments that most other economists and non-NHC historians of slavery already found wanting and rejected.

J.D. Tuccille documents some of the ways in which fear of covid-19 is paving the way to authoritarianism. A slice:

While authoritarian governments commonly criminalize gatherings of potential dissidents, meeting to oppose the current batch of seat-warmers in favor of your own lot is essential to the democratic experience in nominally free countries. It’s also a fundamental right to gather with friends, co-religionists, colleagues, and family as part of civil society—the sections of the world that matter, beyond the boundaries of government.

But Britain’s restrictions on assembly pale in comparison to the pre-crime arrests police in the Australian state of Victoria made of those who just advocated public demonstrations against government policy.

Pierre Lemieux ponders populism.

Matt Ridley reviews Samanth Subramanian’s new biography of JBS Haldane.

Ian Vásquez shares a report on a slight rise in economic freedom globally (pre-covid-authoritarianism, of course) but a fall in economic freedom in the United States.

Here’s Steven Greenhut on the nutty notion that looting is defensible.

George Selgin isn’t as keen as are my Mercatus Center colleagues Scott Sumner and David Beckworth on the Fed’s new policy.

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Quotation of the Day…

… is from page 528 of Will & Ariel Durant’s 1963 volume, The Age of Louis XIV:

As wealth rose, men built sturdier houses that could keep rats at a respectable distance and so reduce the spread of plague.

DBx: As we grow more materially prosperous, we grow cleaner. Also, we become ever-less exposed to the perils and hazards and horrors that afflicted nearly all of our pre-modern ancestors. Most of these dangers, take note, are made by nature as opposed to by humans.

And we grow more materially prosperous only through market-directed specialization and innovation, and the trade upon which such specialization and innovation depend.

Such specialization and trade diminish the more the state bears down on human interactions. The intentions of state officials are utterly irrelevant. The consequences of their interference with peaceful cooperation and exchange will nearly always be ill.

…..

I can find no reason to believe that any of the many government officials, whether elected or appointed, who issued shelter-in-place orders and other commands that prevent the routine conduct of economic and social affairs have any sense of the true consequences of their rash actions. I say again: these officials are the very same ones who we true liberals are forever accusing – rightly so – of either being unable to understand the simplest lessons of Econ 101 or of being shamelessly willing to grab and exercise power in ways contrary to the public good. Please, please, please someone tell me why we should trust that these same ignorant or venal (or both) officials acted with reasonable knowledge, prudence, and public spirit in the face of covid?

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Heaven Protect Us from the Muscular

Here’s a slice from George Will’s recent and wise warning of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s lawless exercise of raw power:

Elsewhere in today’s improvisational government, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s behavior has become notably muscular. The CDC’s name denotes a specific mission that this agency cannot be entirely blamed for not having altogether mastered. Controlling diseases involves medicines, social protocols (e.g., “social distancing”) and, suddenly, a sweeping excision from property rights: The CDC has this month asserted a power to prohibit — through the end of 2020, but actually for as long as the CDC deems “necessary” — the eviction of private tenants from privately owned residences because of unpaid rent. This, even though eviction levels have been below normal during the lockdown.

The CDC’s order protects tenants earning up to $99,000 — almost quadruple the official poverty line of $26,200 for a family of four. Or, for those filing joint tax returns, tenants earning up to $198,000, who are in the top quintile of U.S. households. Tenants must inform their landlords in writing that they have sought government assistance, that they have lost income or received substantial uncompensated medical expenses, and that eviction would render them homeless or would result in their living elsewhere “in close quarters.” Noncompliant landlords can be fined up to $100,000 and incarcerated for up to a year.

Congress is, as usual, a bystander. A regulation promulgated by the executive branch grants vast — almost limitless, the CDC clearly thinks — discretion to an executive branch bureaucrat, the CDC director, when acting to contain any “communicable” disease, such as a seasonal flu, spread by “infectious agents.” If the director deems state regulations “insufficient,” he or she may “take such measures to prevent such spread of the diseases as he/she deems reasonably necessary, including inspection, fumigation, disinfection, sanitation, pest extermination, and destruction of animals or articles believed to be sources of infection.”

DBx: Note that one term, meant as a criticism, that George Will uses to describe this CDC action is “muscular.” So in this light consider that a Washington Post report today describes – apparently approvingly – the plan that President Biden will implement to fight covid as “far more muscular” than actions taken under the Trump administration.

Many pundits, politicians, and twits today regularly complain that Trump allegedly minimized the danger of covid. Maybe he did; maybe he didn’t. I have no interest in either defending Trump or jumping on the bandwagon filled with people who are certain that he is personally responsible for nearly 200,000 deaths.

But I join with some others who ask this question: Where are the criticisms of the very many politicians and bureaucrats who minimized, and who continue to minimize, the dangers of the lockdowns and of the enormous expansion of discretionary state power over people’s lives and livelihoods, all taken in the name of protecting us from covid? Why is being be less-concerned-than-thou over the dangers posed by covid a cardinal sin and a sign of great stupidity, while failure to warn of the grave dangers of this blast of government suppression an attitude that warrants no criticism whatsoever?

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Quotation of the Day…

is from a short essay that H.L. Mencken wrote in 1924 for The American Mercury; by “Liberals” Mencken here refers to what we today call “progressives” rather than to classical – that is, to true – liberals:

[H]e saw the world first and last through an amber and palpitating haze. It is the mark of Liberals, at all times and everywhere. They are often acutely intelligent … and for certain kinds of sham they have sharp eyes, but to other kinds they are completely blind. Always they cling to some shred of illusion, as if the whole truth were too harsh to be borne, and often it is a shred indeed.

DBx: Mencken then proceeds to complain of Woodrow Wilson’s “blowsy, half-bogus and half-nonsensical ‘idealism’.”

Mencken was born on this date, September 12th, 140 years ago in Baltimore. Here’s to the memory of that unparalleled sage!

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Is Middle-Class Stagnation a Myth?

In the first essay for my on-line debate at Pairagraph with Branko Milanović, I argue that the frequently heard claim that the American middle class has for decades been economically stagnating is false. Here’s my opening paragraph:

I’m a time traveler from the 1970s. Born in 1958 into a working-class American family, I lived through the 1970s. And while it took me several decades to arrive in the year 2020, now that I’m finally here I can report that my recollections of the 1970s remain vivid. Here’s the bottom line: Ordinary Americans today have a material standard of living that is vastly higher than was the standard of living of ordinary Americans forty or fifty years ago.

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Reich Is Wrong Again

Here’s a letter to Bloomberg:

Editor:

More notable than Robert Reich and Elon Musk calling each other names is the revelation of Mr. Reich’s bizarre understanding of commercial transactions (“Elon Musk Trades Insults With Robert Reich Over Tesla Pay Cuts, Sept. 9). In criticizing the enormously wealthy Mr. Musk for Tesla’s decision to temporarily cut its workers’ pay, Mr. Reich presumes that commercial transactions should be governed by the standards used to judge philanthropic donations.

This presumption is mistaken. But Mr. Reich can prove the sincerity of his belief in it: With his net worth of $4 million being nearly six times higher than is the average net worth of an American ($692,100), Mr. Reich should insist on paying – for each good and service that he buys – a price six times higher than the posted price. If he has his shoes shined at a price of $10, he should hand the shoe-shiner $60. If he orders a dish of mahi-mahi priced at $20, he should pay the restaurant $120. If he buys a new Toyota Prius with a sticker price of $24,500, the check that he writes to the dealership should be in the amount of $147,000.

Let Mr. Reich lead by example.

Sincerely,
Donald J. Boudreaux
Professor of Economics
and
Martha and Nelson Getchell Chair for the Study of Free Market Capitalism at the Mercatus Center
George Mason University
Fairfax, VA 22030

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Quotation of the Day…

… is from page 376 of the final (2016) volume – Bourgeois Equality – of Deirdre McCloskey’s soaring trilogy on the essence of bourgeois values, on their transmission, and on their essential role in modern life (original emphasis):

Trade was a context for widespread individual responsibility, as against obedience to the hierarchy’s commands.

DBx: Indeed so. Under a policy of free trade, no one is compelled to buy or to sell – no purchases are artificially penalized and no sales are subsidized. Each person is left free by his or her own government to make whatever peaceful and non-fraudulent offers he or she chooses to whomever he or she wishes.

In contrast, protectionism is a policy of third-parties – government officials – obstructing their own citizens’ freedom to buy and sell. Therefore, the notion that free trade is a policy of elitism while protectionism is a policy of enhancing the voice and freedom of ordinary people is about as absurd a notion as has ever been peddled.

…..

Today – September 11th – is Deirdre McCloskey’s birthday. May it be a wonderful one – and may she, for her sake and for ours, have many, many more.

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Coase and Covid

My latest column for AIER is co-authored with Lyle Albaugh. It’s the first of a two-part series applying Ronald Coase’s insights about externalities to the covid lockdowns. A slice:

Yet exploring the implications of this reality, as Coase did, produces deep economic insight. Because Jones cannot harm Smith unless Smith is in a position to be harmed by Jones, in principle Smith can reduce, or even escape, the harm he suffers from Jones by removing himself from a position in which he experiences consequences of Jones’s actions.

Are you kept awake at night by your neighbor Tom practicing his tuba? You wouldn’t be if you lived elsewhere. Is Tom annoyed when you persuade the building manager to order him to stop practicing his tuba at midnight? Tom would suffer no such annoyance if he lived alone in a house far from neighbors.

The point here is not to say that you are as much to blame as is Tom for your being kept awake by his midnight tuba practice sessions. Rather, the point is that your choices, and not only Tom’s, play a role in your suffering this annoyance. Assignment of blame – or, more formally, assignment of legal liability – requires an assessment of the property rights that you and Tom each have in the air that you both share.

Does each tenant possess the right not to have the air in his or her unit vibrated noisily at night? If so, Tom is in the wrong to use his tuba in a way that keeps you awake at night. Or does no tenant possess this right? If so, you’re in the wrong to complain about Tom’s midnight tuba playing.

Each activity here – playing a musical instrument and sleeping – is perfectly innocent. Also, neither party intends to harm the other. Instead, we have an innocent conflict over the use of a scarce resource, namely, air space in an apartment building. So what to do?

In practice, people in the position of you and Tom typically go to court. (It could be a formal court of law, or, as is more probable in this example, the informal ‘court’ presided over by Lou, the building manager.) The court – which, let us presume, is impartial – hears your complaint along with Tom’s defense. It then renders a decision.

In this case the decision will certainly be in your favor. The reason is that the court will know that most people have a reasonable expectation of being able to sleep at night undisturbed by avoidable noises emitted by neighbors. Although the court might not be consciously aware of the full details of its reasoning, it will understand that the cost that Tom must endure to avoid playing his tuba at night is less than the cost that you must endure if he doesn’t. If the court were to rule in favor of Tom, you’d practically be compelled to move to another apartment or to install expensive sound-proofing in your walls and ceiling – meaning that you’d have to incur a cost much higher than the cost that Tom incurs by not practicing on his tuba at night.

In short, the ‘correct’ decision is the one that resolves the conflict over the use of scarce airspace at what is likely the lowest cost. Although you could solve the problem by moving or installing soundproofing, the responsibility is on Tom to solve it by keeping quiet at night.

…..

In a comment to my posting of this column at Facebook, John Kannarr offers this very insightful observation:

Most people say they won’t accept a vaccine unless and until it is proven safe and efficacious. Why did they accept lockdowns and other policies that were never proven either safe or efficacious?

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